Strong Hand, Deep State

While driving across the dusty plains to Konya, I see what I’ve come to term “Happy Khruschevsky” – endless fields of cookie-cutter apartment buildings, each one virtually indistinguishable from the next, save the two bright colors that adorn each—one on the outside walls, and the other on visible interior walls, such as balconies. Between these buildings lie scraps of dirt, little grass to be seen. This sea of identical buildings calls to mind the masses of apartment buildings on the outskirts of many Russian cities. These apartment buildings are often called “Khruschevsky,” after the Soviet leader in whose era these buildings were built. In Turkey these buildings are much cheerier than their drab counterparts in Russia. In many ways the similarities and differences in these buildings seem to reflect the comparisons between the two countries.



Both Russia (as the former U.S.S.R.) and Turkey formed out of the remnants of failing empires around World War I. The U.S.S.R. embarked on an experimental form of governing that consolidated all power and control in the hands of the State. Turkey, under the charismatic and forceful leadership of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk rapidly transited to a Republican Turkey. Both new governments loathed the empires they followed, and made huge efforts to cover the past with new, modern ideas. Both republics championed women’s rights, modernization, and broke with religion; Atatürk introduced the Latin alphabet.

Both countries (I am using this term, and the history, loosely) experienced tremendous state control over all aspects of life, including economics, politics, and religion. To this day, both Russia and Turkey have a name for this long-arm of government. In Russia it is known as “Strong Hand,” and describes parent-child relationship of government to people. Some Russian citizens, primarily the older ones, and especially in the pre-Putin era, longed for a return to the good old days when the government could be expected to do everything (such as providing a pension). In Turkey, this relationship is known as “Deep State” and describes the shadowy network of military, intelligence and government bureaucracy that has the final say in all matters—though it might not be a legal say.

Although the EU process is catalyzing a new, less powerful role for the military, the effects of Deep State are hinted at in the skepticism with which people approach uncommon people and ideas. At universities, I’ve been passed up the chain of command in order to ask students a series of questions regarding their involvement in civil society. I’ve learned that permission is the ultimate buzzword. Deep State is apparent in the February bombing of a bookstore owned by a man allegedly affiliated with the PKK, where the perpetrators were supposedly members of the Turkish security services.

However, like its buildings, Turkey puts up a cheerier front than its Northern former neighbor. Whatever comparisons between the two countries that I’ve seen, Turkey clearly experienced the milder version.















In my opinion, the demise of Deep State will depend on the success of the EU process and the attitudes of the AK Party and ensuing governments. However, given the skepticism with which many of the students that I’ve interviewed view the EU, perhaps Turkey’s membership is not a given. In which case, Deep State might continue operating in the shadows.

“Yes, education.”

One question that I ask students during interviews is whether they think Turkey has any problems. The reply is the one universal answer I’ve heard—“Yes, education.” Students say this for different reasons. Some focus on pre-university education. Others mention the entrance exam required for university admission in Turkey. Regardless of their reasons, almost all agree that education is not only a major problem, but is one of the
primary solutions to a better, more democratic Turkey.

While most of these students have at least one parent who has attended university, a quarter of them have parents who weren’t educated past high school, with some of them not going past primary school. Even today, education is compulsory only through middle school, though the Department of Education is trying to change this. When asked how he would change education if he had the money, one student said that he would have schools begin earlier. Right now, primary school begins around the age of 7, he said. Many students cite the need for more teachers, especially in the country, and better access to education, especially for girls. One student told me that primary school classes have as many as 40-50 students per class. By contrast my friends who are teaching in the United States say that 16 is the ideal number (though they often teach double this number).

Where are all the teachers? Going into more lucrative fields, it seems. I spoke with one student from the Child Education and Development Faculty, but her career goal is to make education projects in a non-profit, not to teach. I was told that teachers make about 900 Lira/month (about $600).

The problems continue if one wants to go to university. Like in the U.S., Turkish students must take an entrance exam to get into university. Unlike in the U.S., where students hear that the exam is only one part of the application process, in Turkey the exam means everything. Not only is it essentially the sole piece of the application, but also it is fiercely competitive. About 1.5 million students take the exam. Only 300,000 of those test-takers get spots in Turkey’s roughly 80 2-year and 4-year univerisities. This exam is not calculated in multiples of 10, like the SAT, but rather the scoring extends four decimal points, the last of which has the power to determine which school admits you and to which program.

Because of this, many students spend much of their high school years attending one of the private test-prep dersanes that dot the cities, such as the one in this picture. For many, their last year is spent entirely in the dersane, with more priority being given to learning the test than to studies in school. Furthermore, the costs of these dersanes are a significant expense in most households.

Despite the problems in education in Turkey, there is a belief among the youth that they have better access to education and information than their parents did. Furthermore, this is one area of Turkish political and social life where all students seem to be conscious of both the problems and potential. And if, as some of the students have told me, consciousness is the first step to making change, and education is the key to change, then Turkey could have a brighter future.